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This article deals with a role of the welfare state as a middleman and a guarantor of basic social rights concerning socially disadvataged groups. The main objective is to open a discussion regarding the role of welfare state in the process of recognition and social valuation of people impacted by poverty or social exclusion. Recognition theory of Axel Honneth, representative of contemporary critical theory, has been used as a theoretical basis for this analysis.
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Understanding and interpretation of values is significantly involved in intercultural dialogue, which is related to creating European identity and integrity. In connection with the development of information society and the use of the latest communication technologies, new possibilities in the education of the youth have started to be open up. The world is encircled by information networks – (Internet) – spatial and temporal dimensions are no longer crucial for disseminating information. The importance of value orientations of people, especially of tolerance, which has become crucial in developing the approach to interpretation of the clash of different cultures, increases in this situation. Reflection of these realities in educational process should lead to defining a new concept of education standards and objectives, with emphasis on the common civilization characteristics of spiritual culture shared by the integrating Europe, and to forming civil society. Building the knowledge society is connected with the development of social sciences that should contribute not only to the development of value orientations of individuals but also to the overall promotion of education based on the development of critical thinking skills, non-consumerist values, and active citizenship.
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Political party Smer founded by Robert Fico in 1999, did not declare explicitly left-wing, but in ideas gave notice to be „third way“ of theorist Anthony Giddens and politicians like Tony Blair and Gerhard Schröder. R. Fico, a former member of the Communist Party and its successor the SDĽ, the concept of a third way gradually leaves after the elections in 2002 and integration of left wing political parties as SDĽ, SDA or SDSS under the auspices of SMER-u, has been directly connected to social democracy, confirmed by membership in PES – Party of European Socialists. Ideological neutrality in the beginning and mass electorate support replicating or exceeding the HZDS in the 90s of the 20th century in Slovakia, precedes doubts in dominance of the social democratic orientation of that political entity.
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Kusber, Jan: Expertenkulturen im Wandel. Osteuropaexperten und Politik im 20. Jahrhundert. = Osteuropa. 2017. No. 1-2. 59-66. p.
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Kittel, Manfred: „Nachhut des Wirtschaftswunders“? Die deutschen Ostvertriebenen und die Politik des Lastenausgleichs in der Bundesrepublik. = Kulturportal West-Ost http:// kulturportal-west-ost.eu/blog/2016/26190/prof-dr-manfred-kittel
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After the assassination of Dr. Zoran Djindjić in March 2003 – Serbia’s first post-communist andpro-European Prime Minister – his legacy became a political myth. The true and demythologized meaning of his legacy has never been systematically discussed in academic circles in Serbia.This is puzzling since Zoran Djindjić was a political philosopher who wrote extensively on the nature and limits of state and democracy. The absence of an impartial analysis of Djindjić’s works and the mythological structure of his political legacy allowed and permit for divergent interpretations of his political vision to spread across the political spectrum, placing him intodifferent ideological frames. In order to understand the myth’s structure the article aims to analyze a part of Zoran Djindjić’swork on the nature and limits of the state. The paper argues that the development of Zoran Djindjić’s accounts on the state was directly determined by the changing political context in Serbia from the late 1980s right until his assassination in 2003. Therefore, the analysis of hiswork provides a useful insight into his evolution as a political and opposition leader. By emphasizing the philosophical arguments behind his political behavior, the paper offers anexplanation of the interpretation puzzle, i.e. how it is possible to perceive the political visionof Zoran Djindjić in today’s Serbia in divergent ways.
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Böcskei Balázs [szerk.]: A forradalom végtelensége. Lukács György politika- és társadalomelmélete. Budapest, L’Harmattan, 2016
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The article analyzes the approaches regarding the essence of the opposition and its relations with the governing power. Based on t he analysis of thefactual and theoretic material, the author pleads for the institutionalization of the opposition through the elaboration of a law which would guarantee the functionality ofthe opposition.
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Knowledge of specific Moldovan migration processes requires a comprehensive approach including consideration of the two forms of migration - emigration and immigration. Although our country has formed a tradition of emigration, however, the current migration context also requires an approach to immigration issues, related to the problems of integration and adaptation of immigrants. Thus, we propose an analysis of the situation of immigrants hosted by the Republic of Moldova, as well as understanding the essence of their integration in our society from the perspective of the existing policies.
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The sovereign people can exercise their natural and inalienable right to legislate by delegating them to appointed representatives according to the electoral procedures. The question has remained to find a more effective legal-state mechanism to achieve this goal without addressing national sovereignty. Contemporaryconstitutional practice has responded to this question by elaborating and arguing electoral systems capable of not breaking the link between national sovereignty and representation. We are going to clarify whether the modification of the electoral system in the Republic of Moldova is actually harmonized.
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The article analyzes the approaches regarding the essence of the opposition and its relations with the governing power. Based on the analysis of the factual and theoretic material, the author pleads for the institutionalization of the opposition through the elaboration of a law which would guarantee the functionality of the opposition.
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During the post-communist transition period, the formation of civil society institutions was a key clause for the transition to democracy. The civil society institutions have manifested themselves as an important partner in collective leadership, depending on specific development conditions, the population’s civic culture and the degree of tolerance of the established power. This process has been long and difficult, being influenced in particular by three factors that have discouraged the potential of the associative sector: the disagreements between civil society, the private sector and the state; the lack of a morality of public life that makes possible and effective civic control of the political power, and also the exaggerated power of the public sector in relation to the private and associative sector.
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The object of this research is the identification of political and cultural trends in modern Russian politics which are aimed at constructing the national and state identity of Russians. It is argued that Russian policy is built on the basis of the national past, applied, depending on different circumstances, to the present. Nevertheless, while remaining basically a country with dominating conservative values, Russia absorbs those features of a foreign political culture that at this stage of development are the most appropriate to the needs of society and which society is able to adopt, and rejects such features for which it is perceived that the majority of Russian citizens are not yet ready. Thus, the formation of narrative practices characterizing the continuity and coherence of Russian policy in modern conditions is not yet finished. Identity is considered as a political category determined by a person's values, emotional perception of socio-political reality, as well as rationally motivated interests and needs. The emphasis is placed on the macropolitical identity, including the national-state identity, which is the object of the state and interest groups targeting, the policy of the identity formation and construction. The author tried to justify the formation of a civil political culture and world, which appeared due to technological and social changes to be taking place in the country, and which will contribute to the change of the existing conservative paradigm, where the formation of national-state identity of the Russians takes place.
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As a result of a political decision, ’state science’ was re-established in Hungary, after its abolition during the Communist regime. Alongside ’political science,’ this new 10-semester university program is now also available to students (its official English translation is ’Science of Public Governance’). In the past 30 years some monographs and textbooks have been published about the state (and ’state science’) in Hungary, yet political science has largely ignored them. In this new situation, however, it seems to be necessary to see how political theory can make sense of and explain the state. This paper is an attempt to do so. Its basic claim is that the state is a special form of domination (its most convincing justification is probably that of Thomas Hobbes). It follows that the political form of social coordination, that is, where the reasons for obeying public power can be freely discussed, precedes the state. But the state is a successful and convincing justification precisely because it is able to curtail, indeed, eliminate political freedom and the conflicts inherent to the condition of freedom. This is what Hobbes’ account implies. Therefore, political theory, as the philosophical frame of free discourse about these matters, is and remains a challenge to the state. However, political theory can also easily come to serve the interests of the state. Two examples of such abuses are discussed: one is the liberal-functionalist approach that reduces political theory to issues of (just) distribution; the other is the sort of state mysticism that was influential before the Second World War but seems to have preserved its seductive potential.
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This article explores the media environment in Turkmenistan from a comparative perspective, analyzing periods when this Central Asian nation was ruled by President Saparmurat Niyazov and his successor Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. It examines critical trends of the media system’s development since the early 1990s and onward based on the political culture established under the ruling of these two state leaders. The paper argues that media plays a primary role in building a cult of personality of Saparmurat Niyazov, which was further implemented and developed by the administration of Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. A case study of the Turkmen TV channels, in particular, is focused on styles of presenting materials, the language and propaganda techniques (clichés, slogans, labels), used to promote the cult of personality. The article analyzes the behaviors of the constructors and supporters of the cult of personality using the concept of the political culture in authoritarianism. Thus, the paper outlines that with some moderate dynamics in the media system, President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov continues to strictly control media – the policies established by his predecessor, who used methods of total control and censorship of all media outlets in the country.
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This is a volume which, by the sheer power of its layered analysis, forms the basis for a critique of the European Union's migration policy. This is particularly important in a Serbian context in which the academic world is also heavily burdened by anti-Westernism based on political and ideological motivations.
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Nadia Marzouki, Duncan Mcdonnell & Olivier Roy: Saving the People. How Populists Hijack Religion. London, 2016. Hurst & Co. Publishers. 288 p. ISBN: 9781849045162
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